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May 24, 2008
New Book on Jefferson Davis
reveals the U.S. Government's Uncertainty on Secession's Legality
For more information: www.clintjohnsonbooks.com
Clint Johnson 336-982-4456 or ClintJohnson@skybest.com
U.S. President Abraham Lincoln did not want to imprison Confederate President Jefferson Davis. In fact, Lincoln wanted Davis to escape. Lincoln, his successor, Andrew Johnson, and their cabinets feared that putting Davis on trial for treason would give him the chance to prove before the U.S. Supreme Court that secession was - and is - constitutional.
Pursuit: The Chase, Capture, Persecution and Surprising Release of Confederate President Jefferson Davis (ISBN-13:978 -0-8065-2890-8, June 3, 2008 , Citadel Press, $24.95) by Clint Johnson covers Davis's escape from Richmond in April 1865, his capture in May 1865, his two years imprisonment from 1865-1867, and the legal maneuverings in 1868 that resulted in Davis finally being freed without any trial ever being held. Pursuit also reveals:
*The U.S. government lied about Davis's capture. He was not dressed in women's clothes as the government claimed and newspapers like the New York Times reported.
*The U.S. government tortured Davis while he was held in a U.S. military prison.
*The U.S. government manufactured false evidence against Davis in an attempt to frame him for the assassination of President Lincoln.
* Chief Justice Salmon Chase secretly met with Davis's attorneys to keep his case from going before the entire U.S. Supreme Court. Chase feared that Davis could prove that the 620,000 deaths suffered by both sides in The Civil War were the Union's fault, not the Confederacy's.
Posted at 06:51 am by Psychomike
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May 22, 2008
Lincoln's Triumph: Reconstruction
Results of Civil War:
"So great was opposition in the antebellum north to the education of blacks that there were bloody and deadly riots by whites who were opposed not just to the integration of public schools, but also to the creation of private, segregated schools for African American children. As a result, for most black children in the north, school was no more an option than it was for those in the south. And, as Douglas observes, the scarcity even of segregated schools for blacks ultimately fostered residential segregation, as northern blacks moved closer to those few schools open to their children. The consequences of that would be enduring. This serves as a poignant reminder that we are generally ill-served by focusing too exclusively on the South when we examine race and racist policy in early nineteenth century America, just as the rest of the book is a caution against thinking of school segregation and Jim Crow-style laws and practice in our later history as a southern problem."
The tide is turning on the cult of Lincoln and the North, and I have a theory as to how it started. In the early 90's stunned road crews in New York City discovered a large slaves cemetary. They were shocked at the number of bones. It was a big story, it made headlines here in Chicago on the front page. The discovery that the city had been built with slaves filled front pages world wide. How did this get forgotten? How is it possible this became lost information?
This is the true legacy of the Lincoln spin that seems to have appeared first as a grieving response to his murder, then was manipulated by various poilical forces during the depression. A lot of history is lost, especially if it places the North in a bad light.
What happened to this country from Lincoln's death to Grant's Presidency to honor the dead of the Civil War? What legacy of the war are we celebrating? What was the result of the war on people's lives? Seems like simple enough questions, yet they have gone unanswered as the Civil War ends with Lincoln's death and ascension into heaven.
Black historians and history buffs began to re-examine the Lincoln myth and discovered the saint was to the right of the KKK.
Sadly, most who know the history of the South with its version of apartheid- segregation, lynching, race riots already have a suspicion there wasn't much to show for the North's victory. And where did that hatred of Blacks in the South come from?
As the above lead paragraph says, it started in the North. Sign up for updates in the REGISTER box to the left.
Posted at 06:13 am by Psychomike
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May 19, 2008
Result Of Civil War Part 1
LINCOLN LEFT NO PLAN OR EXIT STRATEGY AT WAR'S END: WHAT HAPPENED AND WHAT WAS DONE- RECONSTRUCTION!
President "Staggering" Johnson who took over after Lincoln, tried to block emancipation in his home state and keep the states slaves AFTER the war. He despised blacks, tried to get out of Lincoln's inauguration, some believe he was the contact in the White House that was to put a letter on Lincoln's desk after Lee's victory in Gettysburgh setting terms for the end of the war. ( Since there was no Lee victory, we'll never know).

To acknowledge Johnson however means having to discuss THE REALITY of America after the Civil War. Not idealistic promises BUT WHAT REALLY HAPPENED.
The first sign of trouble was probably that Johnson refused to mourn Lincoln, refused to lead the nation in mourning him, AND MADE NO COMMENT ABOUT HIS DEATH.
I think it's time to bring up the Reconstruction in a new thread. The true litmus test of what was fought for.

What really happened after the war Lincoln supporters don't like to mention. "Pay no attention to the results....."
Johnson surprised Mr. Lincoln himself when he asked if his presence was necessary for the inauguration; "This Johnson is a queer man," Mr. Lincoln told Shelby M. Cullom.1
The public was also surprised when a sick Johnson fortified himself with liquor in order to prepare for his swearing-in as Vice President on March 5, 1865. His subsequent speech in the Senate chamber was a strange humiliation of himself and everyone else present. "I am a-goin' for to tell you here to-day; yes, I'm a-goin for to tell you all, that I'm a plebian! I glory in it; I am a plebian! The people—yes, the people of the United States have made me what I am; and I am a-goin' for to tell you here to-day—yes, to-day, in this place—that the people are everything." Frederick Douglass later contended that Johnson revealed another aspect of his character that day: "On this inauguration day, while waiting for the opening of the ceremonies, I made a discovery in regard to the vice president—Andrew Johnson. There are moments in the lives of most men, when the doors of their souls are open, and unconsciously to themselves, their true characters may be read by the observant eye. It was at such an instant I caught a glimpse of the real nature of this man, which all subsequent developments proved true. I was standing in the crowd by the side of Mrs. Thomas J. Dorsey, when Mr. Lincoln touched Mr. Johnson, and pointed me out to him. The first expression which came to his face, and which I think was the true index of his heart, was one of bitter contempt and aversion. Johnson was unique among Southerner senators at the outbreak of the war in retaining his seat rather than supporting the Confederacy. He supported emancipation, but opposed the application of the Emancipation Proclamation to Tennessee and opposed the extension of rights and assistance to blacks after the war.
Obstinate and opinionated, insecure and class-conscious, well-dressed but frequently ill-tempered, Johnson as President quarreled with Secretary of War Edwin Stanton and with Congress over Reconstruction and the Tenure of Office Act. He was impeached on February 24, 1868. Conviction failed by one vote—in part because of the weakness of the case and in part because of opposition to Senator Benjamin Wade succeeding Johnson as President. Although Johnson waited patiently to occupy the presidential quarters, his failure to pay the customary acts of condolence infuriated Mrs. Lincoln, who was sensitive to any slight of her husband or herself . She later wrote that "My own intense misery, has been augmented by the same thought—that, that miserable inebriate Johnson, had cognizance of my husband's death.. http://www.mrlincolnswhitehouse.org/inside.asp?ID=91&subjectID=2
Posted at 06:38 am by Psychomike
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May 18, 2008

So, far from engaging in a war to perpetuate slavery, I am rejoiced that Slavery is abolished. I believe it will be greatly for the interest of the South. So fully am I satisfied of this that I would have cheerfully lost all that I have lost by the war, and have suffered all that I have suffered to have this object attained. General Robert E. Lee
"Everyone should do all in his power to collect and disseminate the truth, in the hope it may find a place in history and descend to posterity. History is not the relation of campaigns, and battles, and generals or other individuals, but that which shows the principles for which the South contended and which justified her struggle for those principles."
General Robert E. Lee
"All that the South has ever desired is that the Union of fore fathers should be preserved."
Robert E. Lee
"We are not fighting for slavery. We are fighting for independence."
Jefferson Davis
"I am with the South in life or death, in victory or defeat. I believe the North is about to wage a brutal and unholy war on a people who have done them no wrong, in violation of the Constitution and the fundamental principles of government. They no longer acknowledge that all government derives its validity from the consent of the governed. They are about to invade our peaceful homes, destroy our property, and murder our men and dishonor our women. We propose no invasion of the North, no attack on them, and only ask to be left alone."
Patrick Cleburne, Confederate General
"It is stated in books and papers that Southern children read and study that all the blood shedding and destruction of property of that conflict was because the South rebelled without cause against the best government the world ever saw; that although Southern soldiers were heroes in the field, skillfully massed and led, they and their leaders were rebels and traitors who fought to overthrow the Union, and to preserve human slavery, and that their defeat was necessary for free government and the welfare of the human family.
"As a Confederate soldier and as a citizen of Virginia, I deny the charge, and denounce it as a calumny. We were not rebels; we did not fight to perpetuate human slavery, but for our rights and privileges under a government established over us by our fathers and in defense of our homes."
Richard Henry Lee, Confederate Colonel
"The Gettysburg speech was at once the shortest and the most famous oration in American history... the highest emotion reduced to a few poetical phrases. Lincoln himself never even remotely approached it. It is genuinely stupendous. But let us not forget that it is poetry, no logic; beauty, not sense. Think of the argument in it. Put it into the cold words of everyday. The doctrine is simply this: that the Union soldiers who died at Gettysburg sacrificed their lives to the cause of self-determination - that government of the people, by the people, for the people, should not perish from the earth. It is difficult to imagine anything more untrue. The Union soldiers in the battle actually fought against self-determination; it was the Confederates who fought for the right of their people to govern themselves."
H.L. Mencken
If the South had only wanted to protect slavery, all they had to do was go along with the original 13th Amendment, offered in early 1861 after several states had seceded, which would have protected slavery for all time in the states where it then existed. This was not inducement enough to bring South Carolina or any others back into the fold. The States of the Confederacy, even today, could block the passage of the 13th Amendment, and certainly could have then. This is why the slaveholders wanted to stay in the Union. Their "property" was protected by the Constitution."
Charlie Lott, historian
"The Union government liberates the enemy's slaves as it would the enemy's cattle, simply to weaken them in the conflict. The principle is not that a human being cannot justly own another, but that he cannot own him unless he is loyal to the United States."
London Spectator in reference to the Emancipation Proclamation
"The Northern onslaught upon slavery was no more than a piece of specious humbug designed to conceal its desire for economic control of the Southern states."
Charles Dickens, 1862
"Under Federal Legislation, the exports of the South have been the basis of the Federal Revenue. Virginia, the two Carolina's, and Georgia, may be said to defray three fourths of the annual expense of supporting the Federal Government; and of this great sum, annually furnished by them, nothing or next to nothing is returned to them, in the shape of government expenditures. That expenditure flows in the opposite direction - it flows North, in one uniform, uninterrupted and perennial stream. This is why wealth disappears from the South and rises up in the North. Federal legislation does this."
Senator Thomas Hart Benton
"I can't let them go. Who would pay for the government?"
Abraham Lincoln
"In saving the Union, I have destroyed the republic. Before me I have the Confederacy which I loath. But behind me I have the bankers which I fear."
Abraham Lincoln
"What then will become of my tariff?"
Abraham Lincoln to the a Virginia compromise delegation, March 1861
They (the South) know that it is their import trade that draws from the people's pockets sixty or seventy millions of dollars per annum, in the shape of duties, to be expended mainly in the North, and in the protection and encouragement of Northern interest . . . These are the reasons why these people do not wish the South to secede from the Union. They (the North) are enraged at the prospect of being despoiled of the rich feast upon which they have so long fed and fattened, and which they were just getting ready to enjoy with still greater gout and gusto. They are as mad as hornets because the prize slips them just as they are ready to grasp it."
New Orleans Daily Crescent, January 21, 1861
"The war between the North and the South is a tariff war. The war is further, not for any principle, does not touch the question of slavery, and in fact turns on the Northern lust for sovereignty.
Karl Marx, 1861
"The assertion that the South fought for slavery is Yankee propaganda and a monstrous distortion."
Jefferson Davis
Posted at 04:20 pm by Psychomike
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May 11, 2008
A sketch of the scene depicted on this site's homepage, the execution of thirty-eight Sioux on December 26, 1862, used to fascinate me when, as a boy in Mankato, Minnesota, I would visit the Blue Earth County Historical Museum. Apart from its macabre appeal, the picture impressed me because it captured the most famous event in the history of my hometown
The execution of 38 Sioux at Mankato, Minnesota on December 26, 1862.
The hanging, following trials which condemned over three hundred participants in the 1862 Dakota Conflict, stands as the largest mass execution in American history. Only the unpopular intervention of President Lincoln saved 265 other Dakota and mixed-bloods from the fate met by the less fortunate thirty-eight. The mass hanging was the concluding scene in the opening chapter of a story of the American-Sioux conflict that would not end until the Seventh Calvary completed its massacre at Wounded Knee, South Dakota, on December 29, 1890. http://www.law.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/dakota/Dak_account.html
Cartoon History Of The Mass Hangings Of 38 Sioux In 1862: The Lakota Conflict Trials!
What was justice and the court system like under Lincoln?
The largest mass lynching in American history.
Set 1:Trials and Executions
On September 28, 1862, two days after the Indians released their white prisoners to Col. Sibley, a military court began trying the Sioux braves. Five officers, with the Rev. Stephen Riggs as interpreter, were to decide which warriors were guilty of taking part in the uprising. |
The way the Conflict Trials are propagandized to us when they are mentioned at all, is that the intervention of President Lincoln saved lives. Closer examination however, allows us to understand what it means to have military tribunals try cases.
Lincoln fans don't like to ask if those executed knew english, had a lawyer, or even knew what they were being executed for!
The links today are a fascinating look from a legal perspective at the trial I call-
A Mass Lynching.
Posted at 07:21 am by Psychomike
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May 6, 2008
Goodbye GONE WITH THE WIND
GONE WITH THE WIND was a big deal when I was young in Atlanta. The film was only released every 7 years and always created excitement. It had way back at the start as well, when the films cast held a parade for the release. The film isn't about the Old South as much as it was about the way the Old South was re-invented after the Spainsh American War. The first half up to the burning of Atlanta lives up to the myth of the film, but the second half is pure 1930's soap opera.
Still, the women in Atlanta took the film very seriously - it was the character of Scarlett O'Hara they loved- the unsung woman who held the South together as it was raped, pillaged and burned.( All of which the studio was able to show and even allow the word damn to appear despite strict censorship of the day that forbade all of it). GONE WITH THE WIND was also the first time the losers in a war were shown reacting to the attacks being made on them. To this day the name Scarlett is still popular in the South!Should GONE WITH THE WIND go the way of THE SONG OF THE SOUTH- censored and forgotten?1. "Gone With the Wind" (1939) Go ahead, say it: The idea that this towering totem of Hollywood's Golden Age may not deserve the praise it's received over the decades is downright sacrilegious, and we should be strung up for saying so. To which we reply: When was the last time you actually watched this marathon paean to the Old South? We can appreciate what producer David O. Selznick accomplished -- after hearing the film's backstory, it's a miracle the movie even managed to get made -- but this template for every bloated spectacle made since is one creaky melodrama. Vivien Leigh's touted performance now seems drastically mannered and camp ("I'll never go hungry again!"), set pieces such as Scarlett O'Hara's tour of the Civil War battlefield stick out like sore thumbs amidst the overwrought "intimate" moments, and Victor Fleming's direction never rises above journeyman level. Even Clark Gable's charismatic Rhett Butler feels less like an actual character and more like a star simply savoring the taste of the scenery between his teeth. You can chalk up the retrograde politics to the times -- still, we dare you to sit through Butterfly McQueen's and Hattie McDaniel's scenes without wincing -- but the sheen of this capo di tutti capi of movies has worn off once and for all. For all its pomp, "Gone With the Wind" no longer blows us away. http://movies.msn.com/movies/moviesfeature/dvd/not-classic-movies?GT1=28002
Posted at 05:59 am by Psychomike
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Apr 28, 2008
Limits To Lincoln Idolatry?
The answer to the question posed in the title of this article is: No. There are no limits to the lies and misrepresentations about Lincoln’s political legacy – and about those who question the Official Version of it – that are spread by what I call the Lincoln cult. It almost seems congenital. As soon as The Real Lincoln was published in 2002, the Lincoln cult swung into action with outlandish and outrageous misrepresentations of what I say in the book in an obvious attempt to keep people from reading it. I was surprised to learn from various hatchet men associated with the Claremont Institute, for example, that I am a Marxist; that there is not a single Lincoln quote in my book (a blatant lie, of course); that there is a defense of slavery in the book (another blatant lie); that there is sympathy for Nazi Germany in the book (the biggest lie of all); and on and on.
Various "Lincoln scholars" have stood up during debates with me to declare to audiences of laypersons such blatant falsehoods as: the Union Army never caused the death of a single Southern civilian; no private property was stolen during Sherman’s march; Lincoln never did a single thing that was unconstitutional or illegal; I supposedly wrote that it would have been fine had slavery lasted into the 20th century (this was actually Lincoln’s opinion, not mine); Virginia did not reserve the right to take back the powers it delegated to the central government at some future date as a condition of ratifying the Constitution; the king of England did not sign a peace treaty that named all the individual states; and myriad other lies that are easily researched by simply consulting the plain facts of history.
The latest example of such shenanigans is an article entitled "The Limits of Lincoln Bashing" by one Grant Havers, a Canadian philosophy professor, in the April 23 online edition of Taki’s Magazine. Havers apparently believes that pointing out how the actual facts of historical reality conflict with Harry Jaffa’s stylized interpretations of Lincoln’s rhetoric constitutes "bashing" as opposed to scholarship. He devotes only a paragraph to myself and my writings, and every single thing he says about me in the paragraph is false.
Havers identifies me as a "paleoconservative historian" despite the fact that I have never described myself in this way to anyone, either verbally or in writing. In fact, I don’t even know what a paleoconservative is. I know of several people who label themselves as such, but they seem to have differing views on many issues, which leads me to believe that there is not even one single definition of the term. Nor am I a historian (thank goodness) but an economist with an interest in history, especially economic history.
So much for the first half of Havers’ first sentence. The second half of his first sentence discussing me and my work contains the preposterous falsehood that I "have eagerly accepted Jaffa’s terms of discourse while disputing its moral implications." In reality, I think Harry Jaffa is a crackpot. I utterly reject his strange notion that Lincoln was a champion equality, a myth that is at the heart of everything Jaffa has ever written on the subject. While it is true that Lincoln quoted Jefferson’s "all men are created equal" words from the Declaration on Independence on a few occasions, his entire adult life is a demonstration that he was in fact as opposed to equality as any white man in 19th century America was, North or South. "I will say then that I am not, nor ever have been in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races," he said in his September 18, 1858 debate with Stephen Douglas. He repeated this on many other occasions.
More importantly, his lifelong actions prove that this was indeed his true belief. He voted against black suffrage in Illinois; opposed allowing blacks to testify in court in Illinois; voted against abolishing the slave trade in Washington, D.C. during his one term in Congress; supported the Illinois "Black Codes" that deprived the small number of free blacks who resided in the state of any semblance of citizenship; supported the "Corwin Amendment" to the Constitution that would have formally enshrined slavery in the U.S. Constitution; and spent his entire adult life advocating "colonization" or the deportation of black people from the U.S. He was one of the "managers" of the Illinois Colonization Society which sought to use state tax dollars to deport free blacks out of the state.
Lincoln was a masterful politician who could use tongue-twisting rhetoric to deceive the public better than any American politician in history. In this regard he was Bill Clinton times ten thousand. For example, referring to the part of Declaration of Independence that mentions equality (while ignoring the fact that the entire document was a declaration of the right of secession), he said: "The African upon his own soil has all the natural rights that instrument vouchsafes to all mankind" (emphasis added). The italicized words are the key to understanding Lincoln on this point. He considered black people to be some kind of alien beings, which is why he called them "the Africans." More importantly, he believed that they could never be equal here in America, but only "upon their own soil" or "in their native clime," i.e., Africa, Haiti, Central America, etc., as he often stated. Moreover, he also clearly believed that it was undesirable to attempt to enforce racial equality in the U.S., as he stated in the above quotation from the Lincoln-Douglas debates. Harry Jaffa has spent his entire career spreading the Big Lie of Lincoln as a champion of "equality" in order to justify the Republican Party’s foreign policy agenda of military aggression and imperialism in the name of spreading equality around the globe. (Spreading "equality" around the globe at gunpoint sounds a lot like the professed goals of 20th-century communism, doesn’t it?).
Jaffa’s second Big Lie, one that was invented by Alexander Hamilton, repeated by Webster, Joseph Story, John Marshall and others, including Lincoln, was that there was never any such thing as state sovereignty in America. The Constitution was supposedly ratified by some kind of national election involving "the whole people." This lie was invented by Hamilton in his propaganda war for a centralized, monopolistic state. Of course, "the whole people" never had anything whatsoever to do with the founding or the ratification of the Constitution (women didn’t even have the right to vote until 1920). That was the job of the sovereign states, as is clearly stated in Article 7 of the Constitution.
The next falsehood about me and my work that Havers jams into one short paragraph in Taki’s Magazine is that I allegedly put "the responsibility for all American empire building on Abe’s shoulders alone"; I am supposedly unaware that "pre-Lincoln America" had certain "tendencies towards centralized power"; and that Lincoln was not "the first architect of Leviathan in America."
Havers has obviously not read my books. If there is one over-arching theme, it is that Lincoln, as I have written, was the "political son of Alexander Hamilton, the champion of a centralized governmental monarchy, or something like it, coupled with British-style mercantilistic economic policies (protectionist tariffs, central banking, corporate welfare) and an aggressive foreign policy. After the death of Hamilton and his nemesis Jefferson, this political mantle was carried on by the heirs of Hamilton’s Federalists, the Whigs, including Clay, Webster, and Lincoln. I tell this story of the struggle between the American advocates of Leviathan government (Hamilton-Clay-Lincoln) and their Jeffersonian opponents in my books, but as I said, Havers obviously did not bother to read them before posing as a legitimate critic of them.
April 29, 2008
Thomas J. DiLorenzo [send him mail] professor of economics at Loyola College in Maryland and the author of The Real Lincoln: A New Look at Abraham Lincoln, His Agenda, and an Unnecessary War, (Three Rivers Press/Random House). His latest book is Lincoln Unmasked: What You’re Not Supposed To Know about Dishonest Abe (Crown Forum/Random House).
Posted at 07:58 pm by Psychomike
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Apr 24, 2008
LINCOLN AND HIS LEGACY by Joe Sobran
At this point it is probably futile to try to reverse the deification of Abraham Lincoln. Next year, if I know my countrymen, the bicentennial of his birth will be marked by stupendously cloying anniversary observances, all of them affirming, if not his literal divinity, at least something mighty close to it.
No doubt we will hear from the high priests and priestesses of the Lincoln cult: Doris Kearns Goodwin, Garry Wills, Harry V. Jaffa, and all the rest of the tireless hagiographers of academia, who regularly rate Honest Abe one of our two greatest presidents, right up there with Stalin's buddy Franklin D. Roosevelt, father of the nuclear age and defiler of the U.S. Constitution. Such, we are told, is the Verdict of History.
But if Lincoln was so great, we must ask why nobody seems to have realized it while he was still alive. The abolitionists considered him unprincipled, Southerners hated him, and most Northerners opposed his war on the South. Only when the war ended and he was shot did people begin to transform him into a hero and martyr of the Union cause. But that cause was badly flawed.
The Declaration of Independence, which Lincoln always quoted selectively, says that the American colonies of Great Britain had become "free and independent states" -- separate states, mind you, not the monolithic "new nation" he proclaimed at Gettysburg. The U.S. Constitution refers constantly to the states, but never to a "nation"; and this is a fact we should ponder.
Alas, it appears that Lincoln seldom thought about it. For him the Union was somehow prior to its members, except in his younger days, when, oddly enough, he had been a passionate advocate of the "most sacred right" of secession -- in other countries. When and why he changed his mind, or the reason he never applied this principle to his native country, we do not know; but Gore Vidal, among other keen observers, has called attention to this most striking inconsistency of his career. What he called "saving the Union" simply meant the denial of this most sacred right, and he was willing to pay any price in blood to achieve it.
No wonder his favorite play was MACBETH. He may have seen himself in the tyrant who had waded too far into a river of gore to turn back. Far more Americans died in his war than in any other in our history.
A few books have told the dark story of Lincoln's suppression of liberty in the North, including the thousands of arbitrary arrests and hundreds of closings of newspapers; his war on the South required a war on the Bill of Rights in the North as well. All in the name of freedom, of course.
Despite his symbolic importance, most Americans know little about Lincoln. He was very secretive about himself and his family, and he remains something of an enigma to his biographers. One fact is clear, though: he was poorly educated. He made up for this with his rare rhetorical and political genius; his eloquence continues to create the illusion of greatness.
Maybe it would have happened anyway, but since Lincoln the Constitution has meant not what it says, but whatever the U.S. Government decides it shall mean. The very meaning of constitutionality has become entirely fluid, so that the law itself has become exactly what law should never be: unpredictable.
Today's United States of America would be constitutionally unrecognizable to the authors of the original Constitution, because today the government has become the wolf at the door. Do I exaggerate? A television commercial asks, "Is the IRS ruining your life?"
Imagine what Washington and Jefferson would have said about that question! They never dreamed that their countrymen would live in dread of the government created to secure their liberty. But that is what has happened to this country, and much of this is Abraham Lincoln's legacy.
Posted at 04:44 pm by Psychomike
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Apr 23, 2008
Gone With The Wind:The Musical!
Critics decided they "didn't give a damn" on Wednesday after the world premier of a new musical version of the American Civil War epic "Gone With the Wind."
Headline writers had a field day adapting Rhett Butler's famous parting shot to Scarlett O'Hara -- and most reviewers agreed the show was far too long at over three and a half hours.
"Frankly my dear, it's not up to much" decided the Daily Mail's Quentin Letts after the first night of the musical directed by Trevor Nunn, famed for his stagings of "Cats" and "Les Miserables" that became worldwide hits.
"Where is the story's raw allure?" asked Letts. "The music feels a bit off-the-peg," he said of the score by Californian Margaret Martin.
The Daily Telegraph's Charles Spencer decided "Frankly, my dear, it's a damn long night."
"By the second half, I felt like screaming every time a new song started," he wrote. "The only people likely to give a damn about this 'Gone With The Wind' are the investors who risk losing their shirts."
http://www.reuters.com/article/oddlyEnoughNews/idUSHAR36168520080423?rpc=401&feedType=RSS&feedName=oddlyEnoughNews&rpc=401
Posted at 04:35 pm by Psychomike
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Apr 22, 2008
Who Started The Civil War
Lincoln Provoked the War

Southern leaders of the Civil War period placed the blame for the outbreak of fighting squarely on Lincoln. They accused the President of acting aggressively towards the South and of deliberately provoking war in order to overthrow the Confederacy. For its part, the Confederacy sought a peaceable accommodation of its legitimate claims to independence, and resorted to measures of self-defence only when threatened by Lincoln's coercive policy. Thus, Confederate vice president, Alexander H. Stephens, claimed that the war was "inaugurated by Mr. Lincoln." Stephens readily acknowledged that General Beauregard's troops fired the "first gun." But, he argued, the larger truth is that "in personal or national conflicts, it is not he who strikes the first blow, or fires the first gun that inaugurates or begins the conflict." Rather, the true aggressor is "the first who renders force necessary."
Stephens identified the beginning of the war as Lincoln's order sending a "hostile fleet, styled the 'Relief Squadron'," to reinforce Fort Sumter. "The war was then and there inaugurated and begun by the authorities at Washington. General Beauregard did not open fire upon Fort Sumter until this fleet was, to his knowledge, very near the harbor of Charleston, and until he had inquired of Major Anderson . . . whether he would engage to take no part in the expected blow, then coming down upon him from the approaching fleet . . . When Major Anderson . . .would make no such promise, it became necessary for General Beauregard to strike the first blow, as he did; otherwise the forces under his command might have been exposed to two fires at the same time-- one in front, and the other in the rear." The use of force by the Confederacy , therefore, was in "self-defence," rendered necessary by the actions of the other side.
Jefferson Davis, who, like Stephens, wrote his account after the Civil War, took a similar position. Fort Sumter was rightfully South Carolina's property after secession, and the Confederate government had shown great "forbearance" in trying to reach an equitable settlement with the federal government. But the Lincoln administration destroyed these efforts by sending "a hostile fleet" to Sumter. "The attempt to represent us as the aggressors," Davis argued, "is as unfounded as the complaint made by the wolf against the lamb in the familiar fable. He who makes the assault is not necessarily he that strikes the first blow or fires the first gun."
From Davis's point of view, to permit the strengthening of Sumter, even if done in a peaceable manner, was unacceptable. It meant the continued presence of a hostile threat to Charleston. Further, although the ostensible purpose of the expedition was to resupply, not reinforce the fort, the Confederacy had no guarantee that Lincoln would abide by his word. And even if he restricted his actions to resupply in this case, what was to prevent him from attempting to reinforce the fort in the future? Thus, the attack on Sumter was a measure of "defense." To have acquiesced in the fort's relief, even at the risk of firing the first shot, "would have been as unwise as it would be to hesitate to strike down the arm of the assailant, who levels a deadly weapon at one's breast, until he has actually fired."
In the twentieth century, this critical view of Lincoln's actions gained a wide audience through the writings of Charles W. Ramsdell and others. According to Ramsdell, the situation at Sumter presented Lincoln with a series of dilemmas. If he took action to maintain the fort, he would lose the border South and a large segment of northern opinion which wanted to conciliate the South. If he abandoned the fort, he jeopardized the Union by legitimizing the Confederacy. Lincoln also hazarded losing the support of a substantial portion of his own Republican Party, and risked appearing a weak and ineffective leader.
Lincoln could escape these predicaments, however, if he could induce southerners to attack Sumter, "to assume the aggressive and thus put themselves in the wrong in the eyes of the North and of the world." By sending a relief expedition, ostensibly to provide bread to a hungry garrison, Lincoln turned the tables on the Confederates, forcing them to choose whether to permit the fort to be strengthened, or to act as the aggressor. By this "astute strategy," Lincoln maneuvered the South into firing the first shot.

The standard textbook answer to this question is that the South obviously started the war because it “fired the first shot” by attacking Fort Sumter, which was located in the harbor of Charleston, South Carolina. Most textbooks don’t mention several facts that put the attack in proper perspective. For example, after the Fort Sumter incident, the Confederacy continued to express its desire for peaceful relations with the North. Not a single federal soldier was killed in the attack. The Confederates allowed the federal troops at the fort to return to the North in peace after they surrendered. South Carolina and then the Confederacy offered to pay compensation for the fort. Lincoln later admitted he deliberately provoked the attack so he could use it as justification for an invasion. The Confederates only attacked the fort after they learned that Lincoln had sent an armed naval convoy to resupply the federal garrison at the fort. The sending of the convoy violated the repeated promises of Lincoln’s secretary of state, William Seward, that the fort would be evacuated. Seward continued to promise the Confederacy that the fort would be evacuated even after he knew that Lincoln had decided to send the convoy. Major John Anderson, the Union officer who commanded the federal garrison at the fort, opposed the sending of the convoy, because he felt it would violate the assurances that the fort would be evacuated, because he knew it would be viewed as a hostile act, and because he did not want war. Several weeks before the Fort Sumter incident, Lincoln virtually declared war on the South in his inaugural address, even though he knew the Confederacy wanted peaceful relations.
In his inaugural speech, given weeks before the attack on Fort Sumter, Lincoln threatened to invade the seceded states if they didn’t continue to pay federal “duties and imposts” (the tariff) and/or if they didn’t allow the federal government to occupy and maintain all federal installations within their borders. Imagine what the American colonists would have thought if the British had said to them, “We want peace. But, we’re going to invade you if you don’t keep paying our tariff and/or if you don’t allow us to occupy and maintain all British installations within your borders.” The colonists would have rightly regarded this as a virtual declaration of war. Of course, in effect, the British did say this to the colonies. This was the same position that Lincoln presented to the Confederate states weeks before the Fort Sumter attack. Furthermore, five months earlier, some Republicans in Congress publicly swore “by everything in the heavens above and the earth beneath” that they would convert the seceded states “into a wilderness” (James McPherson, The Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era, New York: Ballantine Books, 1988, p. 251).
If Lincoln had desired peace, he knew all he had to do was evacuate Fort Sumter, as his own secretary of state had been promising would be done for weeks. When the Confederate authorities were told the fort was going to be evacuated, Confederate forces stopped building up the defenses around the harbor and celebrated. Across the harbor, Major Anderson was grateful the fort would be evacuated and that therefore North and South would separate peacefully (Cisco, Taking A Stand, pp. 105-106).
But, sadly, Lincoln didn’t pursue peace with the Confederacy. For a while it seemed as though he was prepared to evacuate Fort Sumter, in spite of his earlier statements to the contrary. Initially all but two of his cabinet members urged evacuation, as did his general-in-chief, General Winfield Scott. However, Radical Republicans and influential Northern business interests applied intense pressure on Lincoln and on his cabinet not to evacuate the fort. Radicals in the Senate threatened impeachment if the fort were evacuated (Catton and Catton, Two Roads to Sumter, p. 277). Once the low Confederate tariff was announced, powerful Northern business interests came out strongly opposed to peace with the Confederacy. As the pressure for aggression mounted, Lincoln decided to provoke an attack on the fort in order to use the attack as a pretext for invasion and to whip up a majority of the Northern public into a war frenzy against the South. Lincoln himself later admitted in two letters that he provoked the attack so he could use it as justification for waging war (Francis Butler Simkins, A History of the South, Third Edition, New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1963, pp. 213, 215-216; J. G. Randall and David Donald, The Civil War and Reconstruction, Lexington, Massachusetts: D. C. Heath and Company, 1969, p. 174). http://www.factasy.com/civil_war/2008/02/29/who_started_war
Posted at 11:23 am by Psychomike
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